Past Activities

Ethnobarometer’s projects have focussed mainly on four thematic areas:

activities>> Migration, integration and related issues
activities>> Inter-ethnic relations and minorities
activities>> Europe’s Muslim communities
activities>> Turkey

Actually, Muslim communities and Turkey touch directly or indirectly on different aspects of the first two areas listed above, but because of the complexity and political relevance of both questions, we decided to deal with them as separate clusters. Our project on Muslim communities in Europe, not yet completed, is described under work in progress.

: : Migration, integration and related issues

Migration and criminality: the case of Albanians in Italy (1998) The purpose of this study was to establish the extent of Albanian migration (legal and irregular) to Italy and to assess whether the mass media assertion of a ‘criminal invasion’ was borne out by the facts. Comparisons were drawn between the deviancy ratio of Albanian immigrants and that of other nationalities, as well as between criminality among immigrants in Italy and in other countries. Other aspects studied included government control measures, and the growth of Albanian organized crime. We found that the deviancy ratio of Albanians did not differed substantially from that of other nationalities, and consisted mainly of micro-criminality. As for most other immigrant groups, their illegal status, precarious conditions of employment and marginalization led many of them commit crimes (mainly against property) as a means to fulfil their most basic needs. Media and public perceptions of Albanian immigration was fuelled by the increased participation of Albanians in activities of organized crime (drug traffic, prostitution rackets, etc.).The Albanians involved in such activities were a small number, compared to the majority of Albanian immigrants, who wanted to live and work legally, but it was on them that media focussed their attention.

New migration and migration politics in post-Soviet Russia (1998) This research offered an up-to-date overview of the complex web of migration flows affecting Russia in the nineties, and an in-depth analysis of the emerging migration policy and politics arena. The study challenged commonplace assumptions about migration in Russia and pointed to previously uncharted flows, analysed the role of the state and drew a map of the symbolic, institutional and geo-political factors which underlie the state’s attempt to control migration.

Integration at the local level in nine European cities (2001-2003) This research project, launched in 2001, aimed to produce a comparative evaluation of locally based measures for the integration of recent immigrants in European cities, in an attempt to answer the following question: What are the key variables which most significantly influence the success of local integration strategies? The objective was to evaluate the relative success of alternative initiatives instituted by both local government institutions and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) by describing the position of migrants in the economic and social life of selected European cities, considering, through the examination of positive and negative examples, the possible trajectories that such communities are likely to experience, and analysing the advantages and disadvantages of alternative policies at city level. The study has paid particular attention to the methods of incorporation of migrants in terms of societal and civic membership. The nine cities were Stockholm, Rotterdam, Manheim, Brussels, Toulouse, Turin, Manchester, Murcia and Lisbon. One of the most significant findings of our research was that local strategies seldom coincide and often contradict national integration policies. This must be regarded as a positive element, because it proves that in real, everyday life, individual citizens, local agencies and NGOs know, because they are directly part of it, that the process of integration is irreversible and not just a legal issue, but, precisely because it is irreversible, and because of its impact on social cohesion and peace, must call on the efforts, tolerance and good will of all.

: : Inter-ethnic relations and minorities

Crisis in Kosovo: reactions in Albania and in Macedonia at the local level (1998) Interviews were conducted in March-April 1998 in Albania and among ethnic Albanians in Macedonia with people in towns and villages, to assess popular response to the crisis in Kosovo. Another round of interviews was conducted in September of the same year. The final report analysed the differences between the reactions to the crisis in the two countries and how these reactions evolved between March, when violence started spreading, and mid-September, after the Serbian forces launched their all-out offensive against the Kosovo Liberation Army. It also analysed, more generally, people’s attitudes in Albania, Macedonia and Kosovo to the idea of a “Great Albania” – finding that this idea less popular than it was times assumed, and in some cases, like that of the Albanians of Macedonia, plainly rejected.

Ethnic Conflict and Migration in Europe (1999) This was the first, comprehensive survey and research conducted by Ethnobarometer (1998-99). It included the following: 1) An overview of events and issues, 2) Typology of ethnic conflict, 3) Territorial conflicts: separatism in the post-Soviet space, 4) National minorities: Hungarians in Romania, Slovakia and Ukraine, 5) Ethno-caste conflicts: the Roma in Slovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and the Czech Republic, 6) Ethno-class conflicts: industrial minorities in European cities, 7) New migration: undocumented immigrants in Italy and Greece, 8) Temporary migrants: the search for asylum. It also includes case studies in inter-ethnic relations: Russia, Ukraine, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Greece, Turkey, Bulgaria and three EU countries: Germany, France and Belgium.

The 2001 conflict in Macedonia (2001) This research monitored the armed conflict in 2001 from the very beginning, then the peace negotiation that led to the so-called Ohrid Framework Agreement, the political struggle in Macedonia throughout the following parliamentary debate that ratified that agreement and voted on the reforms needed to implement it, and finally the role, which proved to be a decisive factor, of the US, NATO and the EU in the peace making process. It analyzed how interethnic relations in Macedonia had developed since the new state was born in 1992 as well as the pre-conditions that, in January 2001, paved the way to the extremist groups which started the armed struggled. There were several external factors that contributed to trigger the conflict: 1) The smuggling and trafficking in arms in and out of Kosovo that had been operating for quite some time in the mountain border area between Macedonia and Kosovo. 2) The lesson (“violence pays”) learnt from the crisis in Kosovo,. Indirect (and direct) Western, or more precisely US, support for the KLA (the Kosovo Liberation Army) had sent such a message across Albanian extremists of the region – in this sense it was possible to talk of a domino effect of the Kosovo situation. Although by January/February 2001 it should have become clear enough that the US and EU strategy of intervention in the region was shifting, obviously the message had not been perceived or was misinterpreted by the Albanian extremists who were preparing for action in Macedonia and were still counting on Western support. The ethnic Macedonians were right when they claimed that without Kosovo, without the spill-over from the conflict in Kosovo, there would have been no armed conflict in Macedonia in 2001. Where they were wrong was when they used this argument to close their eyes to the fact that it was also their lack of response, over a period of ten tears, to the demands of the ethnic Albanian community, that created the conditions that eventually pushed many ethnic Albanians of Macedonia to join the survivors from the KLA struggle and the small group of ethnic Albanian rebels who, in January 2001, started making trouble in northern Macedonia.

Macedonia 2006: Towards Stability? (2006) This survey conducted in Macedonia with interviews evaluated the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia five years after the so-called Framework Agreement (Ohrid, August 2001) and examined how they relate to the future prospects of Macedonian society. In particular, it evaluated the institutional reforms envisaged under the Agreement and the system of inter-ethnic power sharing produced by such reforms.

Minority politics in Southeast Europe: Bulgaria (1999-2000) The was our first study devoted to minorities in Southeast Europe. It analysed Bulgarian politics on interethnic relations as they developed since 1990. The results of this research, conducted in 1999, were discussed in 2000 at a workshop held in Sofia in collaboration with the Center for the Study of Democracy, and published in 2001. In recent years, some international media and academic reports have occasionally talked of a Bulgarian “model” of inter-ethnic relations. What emerged from our discussions in Sofia was that there was no such thing as a model, neither in Bulgaria nor in any other country, if by model we mean a system of relations backed by a set coherent policies based on identity negotiation and on bargaining between groups, and planned on a long term perspective – as opposed to measures taken in response to specific tensions or conflicts or just instrumental to short term interests of the political parties which are in power.
At the meeting in Sofia we also discussed theoretical and methodological issues and possible future developments of research on minorities in Eastern Europe. It was agreed that Roma were a priority.

Perceptions, self-perceptions and social organisation of Roma in Central and Eastern Europe (2001-2006 ) This programme tackles the issue of identity and social organization from three different angles: 1) The perception (cultural, social and political) which the elites and the other social classes of a country, in other words the “ethnic majority”, have of the Roma; 2) The social organisation of Roma and the construction of a shared identity; 3) Self-perceptions of the Roma and their political strategies connected to assertiveness. It is observed that in the many cases in which a Romani reaches a prominent position and social role, due to his/her fear of prejudice he/she tends to “blend in” and therefore does not highlight and publicly assert his origins. This is due especially to the fact that they fear that being identified or perceived as Romani might jeopardise their social achievements. This can explain, at least in part, why these professionals rarely become political leaders promoting the identity and rights of Roma. It is not by chance that this element, in addition to the natural reluctance of Roma to engage in political-electoral campaigns, contributes to the fact that political representation of Roma is almost always inversely proportional to the actual size of the minority group. However, in recent years there have been many signs of “assertiveness” and in consequence a greater commitment in political militancy. Our research attempts to determine the actual scope of this change and of the circumstances and motivations that underpin it, and whether it should be considered as a phenomenon that is limited to specific situations or as the beginning of a general reversal of trend. Roma identity question is, today more than ever, a political question.
Our research methodology is based on: 1) the analysis of documents and results of research and surveys conducted to date, and 2) on empirical field work (interviews, group discussions, workshops, etc.). The field work is to produce in depth life stories. The number of life stories in each country is determined on the basis of the total population of the country and of the percentage of Roma population. The aim is not to let the informant talk completely free, but to guide him/her with some questions that the interviewer will propose. The objective is not searching the ‘truth’ or ‘exactitude’ in what the interviewed (Roma) says, but instead what matters is the presentation of self, the management of the person’s identity in interaction with a ‘stranger’. We have tentatively established the following Guidelines for the interviewers.
1) Do you identify yourself as Romani? Why? 2) What does it mean to you to be a Roma? 3) Which is the most important event (or holiday) for you on the year? Why? 4) Do you keep Romani traditions? Which ones? Why or why not? 5) What does the stereotypes concerning the Roma mean to you? 6) Why do you think those stereotypes exist? 7) Do you consider important to raise your children as Roma? 8) What do you think about other Roma? 9) Are there differences between Roma people? Which ones? 10) If yes, why? How do they express? 11) What do you think about non-Roma? Why? 12) Do you have contact with non-Roma citizens? 13) How do other (non-Roma) people know that you are of Rom origin? 14) Which is your best remembrance (‘souvenir’)? (the best thing that has happened to you in your life? 15) Which is the worst one? 16) Which is the fundamental problem that you feel now? 17) Have you experienced racism in your country? What kind of racism? 18) Do you feel that racism against the Roma is different than that against other minorities? If so, how? 19) What do you know about Roma in other countries? 20) How much and what kind of education have you had? 21) Do you have any political ties? 22) Do you know a Romani organisation? What do you think of it/them? 23) Are you involved with any organisation that supports Romani issues? 24)How would you describe the general situation of Roma in your area? In the world? 25) What do you wish most that the non-Roma could understand about the Roma?
The project is a partnership between Ethnobarometer and the Interfaculty Institute of Central and the East European Studies of the University of Fribourg (Switzerland). The director of the project is Christian Giordano, President of Ethnobarometer and director of the Interfaculty Institute of Central and Eastern European Studies, Fribourg University.

So far we have completed and published our research in Bulgaria and Macedonia, and we have started work in Romania and Moldova (see Work in Progress). The information gathered from interviews with Roma people in Macedonia is very similar to the information gathered from interviews in Bulgaria. The slight differences are probably due to methodological aspects and choices. Thus, we are able to maintain that the idea developed in our work in Bulgaria, i.e. that there is a process of ethnicization of the different Roma communities. This is associated with the development of an educated Roma elite. Besides, the political dimension of homogenizing a Roma identity seems increasingly evident.

: : Europe’s Muslim communities

See under Current Activities >>

: : Turkey

Ethnobarometer has devoted to Turkey three reports between 1999 and 2005, namely:

The Kurdish Question and Migration in Turkey (1999) The study attempted to assess the importance of different factors – underdevelopment in Eastern Anatolia, lack of group rights, armed conflict between Turkish security forces and the PKK—in causing flows of migration of Turkey’s Kurds. The military pressure compelled people to leave the rural areas in Eastern Anatolia and move to urban centres and abroad. The illiberal legislation of the Turkish state with regard to individual and groups rights, our research estimated, was bound to produce more problems in the near future as ethnic self-identity increasingly would become an issue in the way urbanised Kurds participate in modern Turkey’s economic and political life.

Turkey’s New Politics and the European Union (2003) In recent years the country has undergone significant political change, that climaxed with the success of the post-Islamist party in the general election of November 2002. The research focused on one hand on the role that the quest for European integration played in making political reforms possible and, on the other hand, on the ideological and strategic developments occurred in Turkey’s political Islam.

The Dual Revolution in Turkish Politics and the Role of the European Union (2005) This research analyzed the profound evolution of Turkey’s politics in relationship with that country’s ambition to join the EU: It underlined the enormous potential influence of European conditionality and the need for a more country-specific approach to the analysis and application of that very conditionality. It also examined the international context within the Turkish question should be viewed. The enlargement of the Union was a historic decision: for the first time the role played by the EU was that of a great power, who, after the fall of the Berlin wall, moved to close old divisions and start a new era in Europe. Yet since then unspoken second thoughts have cast some shadow on that accomplishment. Today, the issue of Turkey’s accession to the EU has triggered, predictably, also much soul searching on Europe’s identity and institutions. Furthermore, the climate created by 9/11 has strengthened the position of those who fear the perspective of a large Muslim country becoming part of the EU. Thus Turkey, that ever since 1963 has been led to believe that one day it would be given a chance to enter the European family, may, independently of all political considerations, whatever they may be, fall prey of popular fear of the Other, and become the most illustrious casualty of the public obsession with the Muslim threat generated by September 11.